Language given a boundary

ਅਸੰਖ ਨਾਵ ਅਸੰਖ ਥਾਵ ॥

Asaṅkh nāv asaṅkh thāv.

Countless are the names, countless are the places.
Japji Sahib

Language, in this map, appears as geography. Across the Punjab, tehsil by tehsil, speech has been converted into a territorial pattern, giving the impression that linguistic life possesses boundaries as definite as the administrative lines drawn across the province. Yet language, unlike territory, does not remain still. It travels with migration, trade, marriage, education and religious life. People speak across boundaries, borrow from one another, change registers according to circumstance and inhabit several linguistic worlds at once. The map necessarily leaves much of this movement outside its frame.

That absence is important because it shows us how before a language can be mapped, it must first be defined. A census requires an answer to a deceptively difficult question about what language a person speaks, which language belongs in the record when several are spoken, and whether speech, literacy, script or linguistic ancestry should determine classification. The map is therefore the final surface of a much deeper act of ordering. In the process, linguistic variation becomes a problem that can be organised into categories and attached to particular places.

This belongs to a wider nineteenth century faith in enumeration as a means of making society intelligible. The colonial state increasingly sought to know its population through tables, classifications and statistical descriptions, producing what James C. Scott would later describe as the administrative drive toward legibility. Language was especially suited to this process because it could be transformed into numbers and then numbers into territory. Once rendered cartographically, linguistic difference acquired a visual permanence that ordinary speech never possessed.

There is also a curious historical irony here. The map records language as though it were already a settled geographical fact, while the very act of classification could contribute to making linguistic identities more conscious, comparable and politically meaningful. Later histories of Punjabi, Urdu, Hindi and the scripts associated with them would become entangled with education, religion and competing visions of community. The map cannot be held responsible for those later developments, but it belongs to the intellectual world in which such distinctions were increasingly made visible and therefore increasingly available for political imagination.

The object

Map of British Punjab Showing the Prevalent Language in Each Tehsil

Statistical and linguistic map · 1891

A plate in the Census of India 1891, Volume XIX, report by E. D. Maclagan. Not traced to a digitised copy, so it has to be consulted in the printed volume.

What happens to a language when the state gives it a boundary?

What we don't know

  • How Saraiki, Hindko and Pothohari speech were assigned in the 1891 returns.
  • Whether the enumerators recorded second languages at all.

Where to check this

  1. Census of India 1891, Volume XIX, The Punjab and Its Feudatories, Part 1, report by E. D. Maclagan. Census of India 2011 - Punjab district census handbooks ↗
  2. Map of British Punjab showing the prevalent language in each tehsil, via Wikimedia Commons. Wikimedia Commons - Old maps of the Punjab region ↗

Named but not linked. These are real, findable documents. This project has not consulted them for this page.

  • James C. Scott, Seeing Like a State.

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